The More Things Change…

I am currently reading W.E.B. Dubois classic "The Black Reconstruction in America." In a section describing the treatment of the African Americans in Louisiana shortly after the Civil War I came across the following passage quoted from Thomas Conway:
I have gone to the jails and released large numbers of them, men who were industrious and who had regular employment; yet because they had not the certificates of white men in their pockets they were locked up in jail to be sent out to plantations; locked up, too, without my knowledge, and done speedily and secretly before I had information of it. 
I am not sure who Conway was (Dubois doesn’t identify him). The chilling thing about the passage is that its description of African Americans in 1866 is eerily similar to the treatment that undocumented immigrants face today.

America’s Unfinished Business

the unedited text (i.e. it has some typos) of my January 15, 2012 sermon preached at the Unitarian Universalist Society of Cleveland  

I have ambivalent feelings about the celebration of the Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday. My discomfort is that the Martin King holiday, and King himself, is used to whitewash America’s racial problems. Too often Martin King’s birthday is an opportunity for politicians and pundits to pontificate on how far the United States has come in race relations. Since the election of President Obama it has been popular for public figures to proclaim that we live in a post-racial society. We do not. Today we continue to live in a country where, in the words of Cornel West, “race matters.”

The holiday also makes me uncomfortable because it used to whitewash King. King was a fiery prophet who denounced, as he named them, “the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism.” During his holiday he is often portrayed as, in the words of King colleague and scholar Vincent Harding, “a smoothed-down, lowest-common denominator American hero.” The lowest-common denominator King is uncontroversial enough that right-wing commentator Glenn Beck can claim to be his heir.

This uncontroversial King is easily perverted. Conservatives like Beck use King’s words to undermine the civil rights work he gave his life for. Attacks on programs like Affirmative Action are justified with appeals to King’s “I Have a Dream” speech and his words, “I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” 

This quote is lifted up to suggest that King would have opposed efforts to address society’s structural racism. Structural racism is inequality of opportunity manifest in poorly performing urban schools. Structural racism is higher mortality rates for African American children than for white children. And structural racism is higher unemployment rates in African American communities than in other communities. Those who appeal to King’s desire to judge people by the content of their character and pretend that we have equality of opportunity in this country imply that African Americans are somehow inferior because they do not seize upon that equality of opportunity. 

King knew that our society was structurally racist. He believed that our economic system had to be refashioned so that it provided better for the majority, not the minority, of people. As he said: 

The disposed of this nation—the poor, both white and Negro—live in a cruelly unjust society. They must organize a revolution against that injustice, not against the lives of… their fellow citizens, but against the structures through which the society is refusing to take means… to lift the load of poverty.

Looking closely at King and his words turns him into what Harding calls an inconvenient hero, someone who still challenges us to right the wrongs of racism, militarism and extreme materialism. But King is not often looked at closely. Instead, his long speeches and precise analysis are reduced to sound-bytes. Single phrases of his are canonized as part of the national rhetoric, like words from the Bible or Abraham Lincoln, that can safely drawn upon to make almost any point. His moral authority has become something that can be twisted to fit different ends. The poet Carl Wendell Himes, Jr. captured this problem when he wrote of King:

     Now that he is safely dead
Let us praise him
     build monuments to his glory
   sing hosannas to his name.
     Dead men make
   such convenient heroes: They
     cannot rise
to challenge the images
        we would fashion from their lives.

King is now a convenient enough hero that a link to him can be used to whitewash troubling, even racist, credentials. There is a cartoon from an eighties labor journal that illustrates this dynamic. In the first panel two people ask President Ronald Reagan: “What do you say to charges that your policies encourage racism?” He replies in the next two panels: “Happy Birthday to You! Happy Birthday to You! Happy Birthday Dear Martin! Happy Birthday to You!” The final panel has Reagan scratching his head and thinking to himself: “How could I ever have opposed this holiday?”

Though it is largely forgotten now that he has been canonized, Reagan had issues around race. The King holiday may have been established while he was president but he opposed most of the legislation that King fought for. Perhaps more troubling, he used the Southern Strategy to win election.

The Southern Strategy was an electoral strategy the Republican Party developed in the wake of 1965 Voting Rights Act. The passage of the act by a Democratic Congress and President meant that most African Americans aligned themselves with the Democratic Party. In the process many Southern Democrats became disaffected with the party. Knowing that their votes were up for grabs, Reagan and his predecessor Richard Nixon developed the Southern Strategy as a way to secure the Presidency.

A few years ago, the former New York Times columnist Bob Herbert penned a column entitled “Righting Reagan’s Wrong?” aimed at clarifying the racist nature of the Southern Strategy. He pointed out that the first stop on Reagan’s general election campaign was the Neshoba County Fair. Neshoba County, Mississippi was the site of the 1964 murders of the civil rights activists David Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney. By making the Neshoba County Fair his first campaign stop and telling the crowd of 10,000 that “I believe in states’ rights” Reagan was telegraphing that he, in Herbert’s words, had adopted the “race-baiting Southern Strategy.”

A key part of the Southern Strategy is the use of code words. These are words that stand in for the racist language and beliefs that it is no longer socially acceptable to publicly express. Instead of using the n word, or saying that African Americans should not have access to the same public institutions that whites do, politicians use words like states rights and wasteful domestic spending. The message of code words is the same as the message of the racist language of previous generations. Both clearly demarcate that the speaker is a white supremacist, someone who believes that society in general and the United States in particular should be run by and for the benefit of white people.

Since Barack Obama was elected President the most popular code phrase for white supremacy has been “take our country back.” Republican politicians and Tea Party activists frequently use this phrase in reference to the President and the upcoming election. It is an odd construction, “we are going to take our country back.” Take it back from whom? It is not like the United States has been invaded. In 2008 the Canadian military did not launch an incursion over the border, capture Washington, DC and storm the White House. In 2008 a black man was elected President. Since then it has been clear that there are some people deeply uncomfortable with that idea.

The Southern strategy appears to be at work once again in the Republican primary election. Charles Blow, another New York Times columnist, recently penned a column entitled “The G.O.P.’s ‘Black People’ Platform” in which he drew up a list of some of the ridiculously racist statements of current Republican presidential candidates. These include Rick Santorum’s recent remark in Iowa that, “I don’t want to make black people’s lives better by giving them somebody else’s money. I want to give them the opportunity to go out and earn the money.” Newt Gingrich’s statement that, “I’m prepared, if the N.A.A.C.P. invited me, I’ll go to their convention and talk about why the African-American community should demand paychecks and not be satisfied with food stamps.” And a quote from one of Ron Paul’s newsletters from the 1990s on the Los Angeles riots: “Order was only restored in L.A. when it came time for the blacks to pick up their welfare checks three days after rioting began.”

Remarks such as these and the G.O.P.’s enduring Southern Strategy offer a sharp retort to anyone who thinks we live in a post-racial society. The work of dismantling racism is not yet complete. It is, in fact, America’s unfinished business. 

As members of a religious tradition that proclaims, as the first principle of our Unitarian Universalist Association does, “the inherent worth and dignity of every person,” America’s unfinished business is our business. If we are to be true to our religious values then we must work to dismantle racism.

The task of dismantling racism has at least three parts, none of which are easy. The first is to admit that racism is still a problem. The second is to understand the origins of racism. And the third is to work to create the sort of revolution of values that King called for which, if ever born, will bring about the end of racism.

I am not sure which of these steps is the most difficult. The first one seems like it should be easy. It is not. There are millions of people in this country who regularly deny that racism continues to exist. This is in part because many people confuse racism with prejudice. Prejudice is the dislike, or even hatred, of a particular group of people based upon a characteristic they share. Racism is prejudice plus the power to discriminate. Many people like to think that our society is not racist because it is frowned upon to express prejudice. However, that does not change the fact that society is structured to discriminate against African Americans. 

Despite this reality many Americans, particularly white Americans, refuse to admit that racism is still a problem. Portions of the collective white conscience seem to act like an untreated alcoholic. Similar to addicts who refuses to acknowledge their addiction, they continue to benefit from and support the racist structures of society while denying that such structures exist. And just like with addiction, the first step to treatment is to admit that there is a problem. Collectively, we as a country need to stand up and say, “We are the United States of America and we have a problem with racism.”

Only once we admit that we have a problem can we begin to address it. You cannot treat a disease that you pretend does not exist. But like a medical professional, treating a disease requires understanding it. And the most important thing to understand about racism is that race is socially constructed. There is only one race, the human race. All other pretensions are delusional.

The concept race is sufficiently embedded in our society that I did not really understand this until my freshman year in college. That year the book “The Bell Curve” came out. You might remember the book. It argued, in part, that there were racial differences in intelligence and that the inequality in our society had a genetic factor. 

There was a significant backlash against “The Bell Curve.” I remember coming across an article in Discover by Jared Diamond that showed that race was a social construction rather than something based in biological reality. The article began by acknowledging that there are human populations that share common characteristics—Swedes and Italians for instance. Then the article showed that when the genes of particular populations were studied the idea of race based upon skin broke down. Genetically humanity consists of several distinct populations on the African continent and one group that encompasses all of the other continents. Swedes and Australian aborigines, a “white” race and “black” race, have more genetically in common with each other than either has with Khosian population of Southern Africa. Anthropologists speculate that this is because the human population outside of Africa originated with one particular African population.

Despite this reality, most of us are inclined to think that the social construction of race was inevitable. Since human beings have different skin colors it might seem natural that we differentiate between different groups of people based upon skin color. Such differentiation, however, is not a long standing phenomenon. Race as we know it can be traced to a particular time in history. Before that time what we understand to be race did not exist. Afterwards it did. When we look at that period in history we learn that race was constructed for a very specific purpose, to pit two groups of people against each other for the benefit of society’s elite.

The period is in question is colonization of North America. When Europeans arrived on the shores of this continent slavery was a widespread practice across the world. Throughout Europe most peasants lived in serfdom and indentured servitude was common. In some tribal societies in Africa and indigenous communities in North America slavery was practied. But such systems were not based upon skin color. Slaves were booty captured in war and serfs were people tied to the land they farmed. 

These patterns changed with the advent of colonialism. To conquer and colonize the continent the European powers needed cheap labor. Members of the European working class were encouraged to immigrate with promises of free land. In exchange many had to enter into periods of indentured servitude to pay for their journey. At the same time, European slave traders bought or captured slaves in Africa and brought them to the continent. 

The indentured Europeans and the enslaved Africans often worked together under the same masters. Sharing a common workplace some realized that they had common interests. White servants rebelled or ran away together with African slaves. In response the colonial governments began to pass laws punishing solidarity between the two groups. In Virginia a law was enacted in 1661 that “in case any English servant shall run away in company of any Negroes” he would have to give additional years of service to his master. In 1691 another Virginia law was passed that banished any “white man or woman being free who shall intermarry with a negro, mulatto, or Indian man or woman bond or free.”

The aim of these laws was clear, to split the working class into European and African segments. Slavery was institutionalized as something for people of African descent. Members of the European working class might be poor, they might not own land, but at least they were not enslaved. And that made all the difference. The vast majority shifted their allegiance from their African fellow workers to the European ruling elite.

Understanding that racism’s origins lie in efforts to split people apart suggests what can be done to dismantle it. Instead of focusing on what divides, we need to concentrate upon what unifies. To borrow language from Occupy Wall St., dismantling racism in part comes from recognizing that whether we are of European, African, indigenous or Asian descent, we have more in common with the other members of the 99% than with the 1%.

For many of us this requires breaking the patterns of a lifetime. It is not easy but it was what King was talking about when he called for a revolution in values. Instead of seeking to emulate the lifestyles of the rich and famous we need to “shift from a ‘thing-oriented’ society to a ‘person-oriented’ society.” In a ‘thing-oriented’ society we each seek to accumulate the most things and our value is judged by what we own. In a ‘person-oriented’ society we are judged by who we are and what we do. In a ‘person-oriented’ society each person is important because the gifts that each brings is unique. A ‘thing-oriented’ society perpetuates the rule of the 1%. A ‘person-oriented’ society looks out for the needs of the 99%. 

It is only by trying to move towards a ‘person-oriented’ society that we can begin to undergo the sort of revolution of values that will uproot racism. As King himself said, “When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.”

Such words are the words of an inconvenient hero. They are the words of someone who had a particular kind of character in mind when called for people to be judged by the content of their character. The character King called for was a character based in compassion between and solidarity across the races. It was a character that demanded that all of the people of the Earth had food, shelter, clean air and water, the opportunity for an education and some work that can be called honest. 

As Unitarian Universalists it is part of our religious tradition to advocate for something that our Unitarian ancestors called “salvation by character.” Our ancestors taught that each of us was born, as the 19th century Unitarian minister William Ellery Channing would say, in “the likeness to God.” Channing and his generation believed that our great religious task was to realize that likeness. We do not do that through our beliefs but through our actions. We are saved, the tradition was, not by what we believe but by who are and what we do. We are saved, or judged if you like, by our character.

 

The type of character that King, the inconvenient King, the King who is not made into a monument but who can rise to challenge our image of him, had in mind is clear. It is a type of character that unites, rather than divides, that explodes the myth of racism, rather than upholds it, and that demands, as Langston Hughes did in his eloquent poem “Let America Be America Again” that:

Out of the rack and ruin of our gangster death,
The rape and rot of graft, and stealth, and lies,
We, the people, must redeem
The land, the mines, the plants, the rivers.
The mountains and the endless plain–
All, all the stretch of these great green states–
And make America again!

May it be so and Amen and Blessed Be.

 

Books Read in 2011

Every January I post the list of books I read over the last year. When I do I note the worst I read, which was without a doubt the graphic novel Serenity; Those Left Behind by Josh Whedon and Brett Matthews, and the best book. This year the second category is a bit harder call but the book I probably enjoyed the most was Parable of the Talents by Octavia Butler. Several of the non-fiction works I read, particularly The Muslim Jesus, Orientialism and The Fire Next Time, have things within them that I will be reflecting on for years to come.
The Black Jacobins, C.L.R. James
Voodoo; Dancing in the Dark, Alan Moore
A House for Hope; The Promise of Progressive Religion for the Twenty-first Century, John Buehrens and Rebecca Parker
Pagans in the Promised Land: Decoding the Doctrine of Discovery, Steve Newcomb
The Yggyssey, Daniel Pinkwater
Parable of the Talents, Octavia Butler
Preacher: Proud Americans, Garth Ennis
Not Your Parents Offering Plate, J. Clif Christopher
The Day the Leader was Killed, Naguib Mahfouz
Midaq Alley, Naguib Mahfouz
No Pasaran, Vol. 1, Vittorio Giardino
No Pasaran, Vol. 2, Vittorio Giardino
A Jew in Communist Prague: Loss of Innocence, Vittorio Giardino
Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston
Cairo, G. Willow Wilson
A Jew in Communist Prague: Adolescence, Vittorio Giardino
A Jew in Communist Prague: Rebellion, Vittorio Giardino
Transforming Words; Six Essays on Preaching, Edited by William Schulz
Green Lantern: Will World, J.M. DeMatteis
Children of the Same God (2009 Minns Lectures), Susan Ritchie
Freakangels: Volume 3, Warren Ellis
The Orbiter, Warren Ellis
The Qur’an: A User’s Guide, Farid Esack
Code of the Woosters, P.D. Wodehouse
Without Buddha, I Could Not Be a Christian, Paul Knitter
Jeeves and the Tie that Binds, P.D. Wodehouse
Jesus in the Qur’an; His Reality Expounded in the Qur’an, Hamid Algar
Holy War; The Crusades and Their Impact on Today’s World, Karen Armstrong
The Muslim Jesus, Edited and Translated by Tarif Khalidi
selected poems, denise levertov
The Medium is the Massage; An Inventory of Effects, Marshall McLuhan and Quentin Fiore
Serenity; Those Left Behind, Josh Whedon and Brett Matthews
What is Tao?, Alan Watts
Glacial Period, Nicolas De Crecy
Tao Te Ching, Lao Tzu (translated by Ursula le Guin)
The Essential Tao; An Initiation into the Heart of Taoism through the Authentic Tao Te Ching and the Inner Teachings of Chuang Tzu, translated and edited by Thomas Cleary
Shadowpact; The Pentacle Plot, Bill Willingham
The Lathe of Heaven, Ursula Le Guin
Dancing in the Streets; A History of Collective Joy, Barbara Ehrenreich
Winnie-the-Pooh, A. A. Milne
Pilgrimage of a Soul; Contemplative Spirituality for the Active Life, Phileena Heuertz
The Last Cavalier; Being the Adventures of Count Sainte-Herine in the Age of Napoleon, Alexandre Dumas
The Chalice & The Blade; Our History, Our Future, Riane Eisler
The House at Pooh Corner, A. A. Milne
The Way We Live Now, Anthony Trollope
Orientalism, Edward Said
Isaac The Pirate; To Exotic Lands, Christopher Blain
Isaac The Pirate; The Capital, Christopher Blain
Channing, The Reluctant Radical; A Biography, Jack Mendelsohn
Fleeing Ohio, William Nichols
The Fire Next Time, James Baldwin (audio book)
Dungeon Vol. 1, The Crying Game, Joann Sfar
Isaiah
The Making of Evangelicalism; From Revivalism to Politics and Beyond, Randall Balmer
Usagi Yojimbo: Yokai, Stan Sakai
Church Do’s and Don’ts; Tips for Success, Pitfalls to Avoid, Michael Durall
The Collected Sermons of William Sloane Coffin; The Riverside Years, Vol. 2, William Sloane Coffin
When Jesus Became God; The Struggle to Define Christianity during the Last Days of Rome, Richard Rubenstein
Usagi Yojimbo: Return of the Black Soul, Stan Sakai
Punk Rock and Trailer Parks, Derf
Usagi Yojimbo: Fox Hunt, Stan Sakai
The Waitress Was New, Dominique Fabre
The State of Jones, Sally Jenkins and John Stauffer
Micah
Gramsci’s Political Thought; Hegemony, Consciousness, and the Revolutionary Process, Joseph Femia
James Luther Adams Papers, James Luther Adams, ed. Herbert Vetter
For the Healing of the Nations; Sermons on the Way to a Multiracial Future, Jacqueline J. Lewis
The Handmaid’s Tale, Margaret Atwood
Liberation Theology for Quakers, Alice and Staughton Lynd
The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo, Stieg Larsson
Bayou Vol. 1, Jeremy Love

Holiday Letter to My Congregation

December 22, 2011
Dear Friends:
Though fall is in the air, winter is officially here. The ground is damp instead of frozen and in my garden a few furtive stalks of kale, parsley and a bush of sage struggle against of the moldering cold. At this time of year more than any other I reflect upon how dependent we are on the cycles of nature. I also reflect upon both dreams of the future and dreams from the past that have not been fulfilled.
There is an inherent tension in the turning of the year between the quiet pull of mediative candle lights in the dark and the rush of the holidays: cooking, cleaning, shopping and celebrating. With this tension it can be hard to find one’s center. At such a time grounding ourselves in a spiritual practice can help us to enjoy the diverse experiences that the holidays bring. Part of my spiritual practice has been to send you a holiday letter with a poem celebrating the season’s possibilities. This year I offer you "On Frozen Fields" by Galway Kinnell:
1

We walk across the snow,
The stars can be faint,
The moon can be eating itself out,
There can be meteors flaring to death on earth,
The Northern Lights can be blooming and seething
And tearing themselves apart all night,
We walk arm in arm, and we are happy.

2

You in whose ultimate madness we live.
You flinging yourself out into the emptiness,
You — like us — great an instant,

O only universe we know, forgive us.

The verse that does it for me in this poem is "O only universe we know, forgive us." The notion of praying to the universe itself, instead of God, appeals to me. The stars, the moon, "meteors flaring to death on earth" all fill me with a nameless awe that I take time during the winter holidays to acknowledge. The universe may not speak with words but we hear it when we "walk across the snow" and the air fills with the crisp crackle of pixelated ice crystals.
I wish you the happiest of winter holidays and a joyful New Year. May you find 2012 filled with blessing that you cannot yet imagine.
love,
Rev. Colin Bossen

A Feminine Divine

Audio for my December 4, 2011 sermon "A Feminine Divine" is now available on-line here.

Common Meditation for Friday, December 9, 2011: Encounter

I contemplate a tree.
I can accept it as a picture: a rigid pillar in a flood of light, of splashes of green traversed by the gentleness of the blue silver ground.
I can feel it as movement: the flowing veins around the sturdy, striving core, the sucking of the roots, the breathing of the leaves, the infinite commerce with earth and air–and the growing itself in its darkness. 
I can assign it to a species and observe it as an instance, with an eye to its construction and its way of life.
I can overcome its uniqueness and form so rigorously that I recognize it only as an expression of the law–those laws according to which a constant opposition of forces is continually adjusted, or those laws according to which the elements mix and separate.
Throughout all of this the tree remains my object and has its place and its time span, its kind and condition. 
But it can also happen, if will and grace are joined, that as I contemplate the tree I am drawn into a relation, and the tree ceases to be an It. The power of exclusiveness has seized me.
This does not require me to forego any of the modes of contemplation. This is nothing that I must not see in order to see, and there is no knowledge that I must forget. Rather is everything, picture and movement, species and instance, law and number included and inseparably fused.
Whatever belongs to the tree is included: its form and its mechanics, its colors and its chemistry, its conversation with the elements and its conversation with the stars–all this in its entirety.
The tree is no impression, no play of my imagination, no aspect of a mood; it confronts me bodily and has to deal with me as I must deal with it–only differently.
One should not try to dilute the meaning of the relation: relation is reciprocity.
Does the tree then have consciousness, similar to our own? I have no experience of that. But thinking that you have brought this off in your own case, must you again divide the indivisible? What I encounter is neither the soul of a tree nor a dryad, by the tree itself.
Martin Buber, from "I and Thou" 

Occupy Wall St.

My congregation, the Unitarian Universalist Society of Cleveland, hosted a forum with one of the original occupiers of Liberty Plaza in New York a couple of weeks back. A podcast of the forum can be found here. It was pretty interesting.

Common Meditation for Friday, December 2, 2011: Awakening

Awakening 
Homage to Hakuin, Zen Master, 1685~1768 

by Lucien Stryk

I
Shoichi brushed the black
on thick.
His circle held a poem
like buds
above a flowering bowl.

Since the moment of my
pointing,
this bowl, an “earth device,”
holds
nothing but the dawn.

II
A freeze last night, the window’s 
laced ice flowers, a meadow drifting
from the glacier’s side. I think of Hakuin:

“Freezing in an icefield, stretched
thousands of miles in all directions,
I was alone, transparent, and could not move.”

Legs cramped, mind pointing
like a torch, I cannot see beyond
the frost, out nor in. And do not move.

III
I balance the round stone
in my palm,
turn it full circle,

slowly, in the late sun,
spring to now.
Severe compression,

like a troubled head,
stings my hand.
It falls. A small dust rises.

IV
Beyond the sycamore
dark air moves
westward—

smoke, cloud, something
wanting a name.
Across the window,
my gathered breath,
I trace
a simple word.

V
My daughter gathers shells
where thirty years before
I’d turned them over, marvelling.

I take them from her,
make, at her command,
the universe. Hands clasped,

marking the limits of
a world, we watch till sundown
planets whirling in the sand.

VI
Softness everywhere,
snow a smear,
air a gray sack.

Time. Place. Thing.
Felt between
skin and bone, flesh.

VII
I write in the dark again,
rather by dusk-light,
and what I love about

this hour is the way the trees
are taken, one by one,
into the great wash of darkness.

At this hour I am always happy,
ready to be taken myself,
fully aware.

available on-line at http://themargins.net/anth/1970-1979/stryk_awakening.html

Coffee Harvest Delegation in Oaxaca, Mexico

The solidarity organization I helped start, CASA, is hosting a delegation to Oaxaca, Mexico early next year. Here’s the description: During one week of volunteer work, workshops and discussions with coffee producers and cooperative members we will learn about the challenges of production, commercialization, and community organization in the context of the international coffee trade. Our three working days include harvesting, drying, roasting, grinding and packaging coffee. We will be hosted by and working side by side a family in the Living Earth Coffee Cooperative in Tanetze de Zaragoza, a Zapotec community in the beautiful mountains of the Sierra Juarez.

To learn more go to http://www.casacollective.org/story/casa-announcements/coffee-harvest-delegation-oaxaca-mexico 

Collective Joy

a sermon preached at West Shore Unitarian Universalist Church, November 27, 2011

I find the Friday after Thanksgiving, Black Friday, mildly horrifying. People line up outside of megastores, some even camp out the night before, and there’s the inevitable story of crowd violence. This year a woman at a Wal Mart in Los Angeles pepper sprayed ten of her fellow customers. A few years back a crowd trampled someone to death at a Wal Mart in New York. These stories, paired with images of riots, like the recent football riot at Penn State, can make people afraid of large crowds. When masses of people gather they can appear difficult to control and dangerous. 

There is truth to such appearances but the unpredictable nature of crowds is not always something to be afraid of. Crowds, especially when gathered for festivals and protests, can be liberating as well. I was reminded of this last June when I spent part of the day holding up the backend of a dragon costume. As the backend of a dragon I marched, danced and sometimes stumbled my way through Parade the Circle. It was hot, sweaty, a little smelly and physically exhausting. My four year-old son was with me and the heat of the costume, coupled with the long walk, made him more than a little cranky.

Despite our discomfort both my son and I had a great time. Participating in events like Parade the Circle is an opportunity to lose my sense of self and connect to something larger. Such events offer a religious experience, a time when the banal worries of the everyday melt away and I am present with the present. In the backend of my dragon costume I could only focus on two things, keeping step with my companion operating the dragon’s head, and ensuring that my son did not wander too far outside of the costume. Any other thoughts vanished from my head. I attuned myself only to the tasks at hand. The anxieties and worries that sometimes make up my individual identity disappeared and I found myself lost in the now.

Earlier this year in the New York Times, David Brooks wrote about the meaning of life and losing one’s self. Contra our society’s incessant focus on following your dreams and finding yourself, Brooks argued that “[the] purpose in life is not to find yourself. It’s to lose yourself.”

This morning I want explore Brooks assertion through what I consider one of the most radical ideas, perhaps the most radical idea, in American culture. That idea is collective joy. Collective joy is often experienced at carnivals, rock concerts, events like Parade the Circle, dance parties and ecstatic rituals. It is difficult to define. Collective joy is a physical experience, not a mental construct. It runs counter to the Western concept of the self—being a collective experience it undermines the idea that we humans function as isolated individuals—and has long been deemed dangerous by religious, military and civil authorities.

The author Barbara Ehrenreich offers two definitions from anthropology and sociology to clarify what she means when she thinks about collective joy. She believes that the first element of collective joy is composed of what the sociologist Emile Durkheim named “collective effervescence: the ritual induced passion or ecstasy that cements social bonds and, [Durkheim] proposed, forms the ultimate basis of religion.” The second element is what the anthropologist Victor Turner “called communitas… the spontaneous love and solidarity that can arise within a community of equals.”

Such academic definitions may fall short of the mark. Collective joy is fundamentally an emotional, embodied and non-rational experience. Thus describing it in words is probably an impossible task. Therefore, I want to take what amounts to a risk this morning. I want to invite you to experience a little collective joy. Let’s make a little joyful noise together. Clap your hands, stomp your feet, let out a whoop or a yell if you feel like it.

Such expressions of joyful noise, of collective joy, run counter to the Protestant liturgical tradition. Indeed, joyful noise during a worship service in some eras would have been seen as an act of religious rebellion and a sign that a congregation—and its minister—had strayed from godliness.

The history of religion amongst Europeans is a history replete with tension between those who wished to experience collective joy, and insert it into religious services, and those who wished to suppress it. Collective joy is difficult to contain, difficult to direct and threatening to the established social order. It can lead to an experience of ecstasy. There is good reason to believe that the Protestant liturgical tradition is constructed the way it is specifically to limit embodied experiences of collective joy.

Take, for instance, the fact that you all seated. Pews and chairs were not introduced into churches in Europe until the 13th century. Prior to that when people gathered for worship they gathered in spaces with open floor plans. During the service most people stood and, it appears, they often danced. A twelfth-century traveler in Wales provided this description of dancing during a saint’s day celebration:

You can see young men and maidens, some in the church itself, some in the churchyard and others in the dance which wends its way round the graves. They sing traditional songs, all of a sudden they collapse on the ground, and then those who, until now, have followed their leader peacefully as if in a trance, leap up in the air as if seized by frenzy.

That sounds to me more like the description of a really good party than a religious service. Such ecstatic dance rituals offer participants the experience of a direct connection with the divine. Such experiences, such connections, undermined the claim of the medieval Catholic church that the priests were the only mediators between the realms of the divine and the human.

The church sought to stamp out such dance rituals and proclaimed them not to be religious but  to be satanic. In doing so, they preserved the church’s religious authority. There is a reason why in some Western literature the Devil is portrayed as a fiddler. Fiddlers lead dances. And dance, the logic went, can lead people astray by tricking them into thinking that they, and not the priests, know something of the divine.

This hostility towards dance is not a uniquely Catholic problem. It carried over into Protestantism with the dour theology of John Calvin. Calvin saw pleasure in any form as a trick of the Devil and banned dancing, gambling, drinking and sports. The followers of Calvin were expected to sit still during church services, perhaps sing an occasional hymn, and listen to the dry intonations of a preacher who warned them of the impending threat of eternal damnation. For the Calvinists success in this life, often brought about by an adherence to a strict work ethic, was a sign of God’s favor in the next. Those who frittered away their time seeking pleasure were surely doomed. Joy in religious services was just as troubling a sign of one’s straying from God as any form of pleasure outside of it.

Now, we Unitarian Universalists reject both the theological suppositions of the Catholics and the Calvinists. We know that each of us can have a direct experience of the ultimate mystery and wonder that is the universe. As Ralph Waldo Emerson charged us to ask: “Why should not we also enjoy an original relation to the universe?” We have no need of priests to mediate between us and the divine. We seek knowledge of ultimate reality in the company, with the guidance of, but not the permission of, others.

And we know that there is nothing wrong with pleasure. Contra to the historical tradition of Calvinism, contemporary Unitarian Universalism affirms that sexual pleasure—certainly one of the forms of pleasure that Calvinists have been most suspicious of—is a natural and normal part of human existence—provided, of course, that sexual acts are committed by consenting adults. If we affirm sexual pleasure then it is certain that we affirm other forms of healthy pleasure as well.

If we reject the theology that has shaped our liturgy such that it rarely includes expressions of collective joy, why should we not reject, or at least alter, the liturgy itself? Let us have another moment of joyful noise.

I said at the beginning of my sermon that collective joy is one of the most dangerous ideas in America. Let me now suggest why. Collective joy is dangerous for at least three reasons. First, it unites people across dividing lines—be they of race, class, gender, sexual orientation or some other divisor. Second, it undermines established social hierarchies. Third, as I have already mentioned, it provides individuals with a direct experience of the divine.

Collective joy is primarily a physical experience. It is rooted in the body—in the physical sensation of being with other people, moving, shouting, singing with them—more than it is rooted in the mind. Most human divisors are mental constructs. In order to otherize someone you have to be able to label them. And in order to label them you have to use words.

This may be one of the realties behind the ancient story of the Tower of Babel. You probably remember its rough outlines. In ancient times all humanity spoke one language and shared one culture. And it came to pass that this unified humanity decided to create a tower “whose top,” the book of Genesis relates, “may reach unto heaven.” God was threatened by the construction of this tower. Genesis records: “And the Lord said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do.” God, in other words, was threatened by the prospect of a unified humanity. And so God came down onto Earth and confused human language. Instead of one language and one culture for human beings God gave them thousands. The differences in the new languages and cultures were such that people could not communicate across them.

The story of the Tower of Babel is a myth. But it does offer an important truth, language and culture create barriers that are difficult to overcome. When two people do not have the same culture and language it can be challenging for them to communicate or to see each other as equals. Many social injustices are born from the inability of one group—usually, but not always of European descent—to see members of another group who do not share their culture or language as equals. When we use words to communicate we risk misunderstanding each other—or oppressing each other—across lines of language and culture.

Not so with collective joy. Collective joy, because it is primarily a non-verbal experience, eliminates, or at least greatly weakens, the barriers of communication that arise from language and culture.

Rob Hardies, the senior minister of All Souls, Unitarian, in Washington, DC offers an account of collective joy in the wake of President Obama’s election. Reflecting upon his experience he notes, that it offered him “a vision of the human family—of all creation—reconciled and whole.” That vision was not born of words. It came from his lived experience of college students, homeless people, “progressive hipsters” and “fancy dressers” dancing together. At such a moment the divisions between the individuals in that throbbing mass of humanity were forgotten. The self disappeared. A common experience of joy and celebration was born.

I have had my own such experiences of the unifying and healing power of collective joy. I began to go to techno parties in Detroit—commonly called raves—as a teenager in Michigan. At these all night dance marathons people united across race, class and sexual orientation to listen and jump, jit, jam, pop, break and jive—in other words to dance—to banging rhythms of jazz, disco and funk inspired electronic music. In what may be America’s most racially divided urban area—90% of the city of Detroit is black while the surrounding suburbs are primarily white—collective joy brought people together.

The healing possibility of the community created by electronic music has not been lost on some techno musicians. Witnessing its dynamics in his hometown led seminal Detroit artist “Mad” Mike Banks to write about the power of music to unify “music is true and ultimately much more efficient than all written language to this date—tribal people have known this for thousands of years. We are all tribal people but some of us have strayed away from the talk of the drum and they talk with words and languages that mean nothing! THE DRUM IS ALWAYS BETTER.”

Just as collective joy unites lives across human division, it also undermines social hierarchies. Historically, collective joy, as embodied in the medieval tradition of carnival, was used create a brief experience of a leveled society—one in which hierarchies of class temporarily disappeared. Mocking rituals were a central part of the European carnival tradition. In these rituals someone dressed up like the local monarch or church hierarch and behaved obscenely. Others mocked and taunted the costumed reveler or joined in the sport of making fun of the ruling class.

Such mocking rituals served as social safety valves. The lower classes vented their frustrations on people impersonating their rulers rather than upon the rulers themselves.

During carnival everyone was on the same level. If the self disappeared then so did the social ranking that went alongside it. People often wore masks and the wealthy or powerful who participated did so anonymously, a sense that everyone was the same pervaded. This sense, coupled with the mocking ritual, served as a reminder that despite the rulers pretensions—this was during the era of the divine right of kings—the ruling class was made up of human beings and those human beings could be challenged.

Carnivals sometimes erupted into social clashes. In the 16th century there are multiple recorded instances were carnivals became opportunities for the lower classes to unite against their rulers. In one instance in Italy a pre-Lent carnival turned into a riot which ended with the sacking of more than twenty palaces and the murder of fifty nobles. In others the acts revolt began with spontaneous carnivals. When a sense of social injustice was at hand, even if no holiday was scheduled, people would take to the streets in carnivalesque rebellions. The social historian E. P. Thompson describes the scene “a language of ribbons, of bonfires, of oaths and the refusal of oaths, of toasts, seditious riddles and ancient prophecies, of oak leaves and of maypoles… whistled in the streets.” 

Protest as carnival, protest as act of collective joy, continues to be a political reality, on both the left and the right. We have all seen, or participated in, political protests where people dress up in costume, mock the powerful and create an atmosphere that resembles of a party. That the party has historically sometimes turned violent should be a reminder that for such events to truly be transformative non-violence is an important principle to adhere to. Most of the social hierarchies that need to be overturned are kept in place through violence. It is only through non-violence that a true social leveling can take place. That world is only turned upside down when we express collective joy non-violently. 

The 1999 protests against the World Trade Organization in Seattle, for instance, turned the city—and for a brief moment—the world upside down. With giant puppets, clowns, frisbees, songs, bicycles, mobile sound systems and a pervading sense of collective ecstasy, protestors—and I was one of them—took over the city of Seattle and prevented the WTO from meeting. Dignitaries were stuck in their hotels while groups like the Grucho Marxists roamed the streets chanting “This is what democracy looks like! This is what democracy looks like!”

Such carnival moments might prefigure a more egalitarian society. They can be instances of what the anthropologist David Graeber calls “prefigurative politics” which means “to prefigure the genuinely free society one wishes to create” and act “as if one is already free.”

I have been thinking about that aspect of collective joy recently in relation to the Occupy Wall St. movement and the Arab Spring. One reason why the carnivalesque nature of some of the Occupy Wall St. rallies has been so threatening to the established social order is that they might prefigure a new social order. The recent general strike in Oakland could be a good example of this. The journalist Quinn Norton described it as, “More block party than protest…h was punctuated with dancing and singing, children and pets running underfoot…”

Such accounts may explain why in recent years police have targeted artists collectives preemptively in advance of protests. Artists bring joy and theater to protests. They help such events transcend the everyday. But if are not present, or if they have been repressed, protests can be kept to sober and somber events. Then there is little hope that protests will effectively challenge pervading social norms. However, if the spirit of collective joy is invoked then things from, the establishment perspective, may get out of hand and the protest, from the protesters perspective, may actually be effective at challenging the ruling class.

In the last year we have again witnessed the power of collective joy to transform societies. Many of the events of the Arab Spring, the youth uprisings in London and Spain and Occupy Wall St. contain carnivalesque or celebratory aspects. Photographs from last spring of Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt, for instance, reveal moments when people united in joyous celebration against the Mubarak regime across social classes. There are images of weddings being celebrated, food being shared and even hair being cut during the uprising. Such photographs and stories reveal the remarkable power of collective joy to create a feeling of egalitarianism and bring people together for a common cause. In Egypt collective joy made the unthinkable, the end of Mubarak’s regime, possible. And now it appears that that collective joy may again be making something similarly inconceivably, the end of military rule in Egypt, a possibility as well. 

Uniting people across dividing lines, undermining social hierarchies, creating egalitarian, if temporary, experiences, offering individuals a direct experience of the divine, collective joy is dangerous to pervading social norms and the dominant culture. It can be liberating for the individual, allowing for a loss of self and a glimpse of the possible. Collective joy may be the most radical idea in America.

That it may be so I invite you to now make some joyful noise.

Amen and Blessed Be.